Catholicity and Advent
Baptist catholicity, as a theological sensibility, appreciates the whole of the Great Tradition of Christian thinking and worship and seeks to retrieve its “best practices” while affirming Baptist distinctives.1 Many Baptist historians and theologians have noted that Baptist ecclesiology can rightly be considered the only truly distinct theological contribution of the Baptist movement to the broader protestant movement. In addition, while early Baptists were not entirely unique in advocating for religious liberty, Baptist political theology can also be seen as a primary distinctive of the Baptist movement and as a major contribution, historically, to the broader Christian movement.234 Baptist catholicity then, as a concept, implies both the retrieval of the best of historic church practices and the affirmation of Baptist convictions, namely, “the necessity of personal conversion, a regenerate church, believers’ baptism, congregational governance, and religious liberty.”5
One expression of this sense of catholicity is the incorporation of “historic practices such as lectionary readings” and “the liturgical calendar” into the life of the local church.6 This awareness of and value for the liturgical calendar amounts to the embrace of time itself as a sacred and integral part of Christian discipleship, life and worship. As the liturgical calendar proceeds annually through the major themes of Christian scripture and theology, it invites our hearts again and again into a deeper knowledge and experience of what we believe and who we love. The themes of Advent and Easter form centerpieces of historic Christian faith. Without doubt, the truths of Advent and Easter frame the Christian life and are worthy of annual, corporate meditation and reflection. In this sense then, an intentional and historic celebration of Advent is at least one clear way of practicing catholicity - celebrating, in unison with the global, historic church, the incarnation of the Son of God for the redemption of mankind, and indeed, all things, unto the glory of God as we eagerly await His second coming.
Baptist Distinctives
How might Baptist convictions relate to the celebration of Advent?
The internal logic of both Baptist ecclesiology and political theology is directly related to individual freedom and individual responsibility before God. The fundamental Baptist conviction is “that each human being stands before God as a free and responsible creature. No one can believe on your behalf… Each man or woman, boy or girl, stands before God as a glorious but fallen creation, in need of personal conversion to Christ.”7 While this conviction is common to all historic Protestantism, it is the logical outworking of this conviction that undergirds all other distinctives for Baptists.
If someone were to ask, “what is it that makes a Baptist a Baptist and not some other kind of Christian?” An appropriate answer would be, “belief in regenerate Church membership and the separation of Church and state.” For Baptists, the protestant affirmation of the necessity of personal conversion necessarily leads to the affirmation of “a regenerate church, believers’ baptism, congregational governance, and religious liberty.”
Retrieving "Libertatem Religionis"
Perhaps those of us who live in largely religiously free nations should think upon Christian oppression far more often than we do - both the oppression experienced by Christians and the oppression that has been carried out by Christians. The hypocrisy of religious coercion and oppression in the name of Christ in the history of the church is profound. Christians in power have, at times, woefully oppressed in the name of the very one promised to liberate God’s people from oppression. The Biblical imagery of Jesus as a “greater Moses” is rich - born into contexts of Jewish oppression - saved through political and religious infanticide, born to lead and liberate the people of God out of captivity and into the promised land. The advent of Christ, biblically, is no less than the advent of the promised King who brings liberation to the oppressed and freedom to the enslaved.8
The advent of Christ, biblically, is no less than the advent of the promised King who brings liberation to the oppressed and freedom to the enslaved.
The Baptist heritage is one of religious nonconformity, institutional separation from the church of England and persecution at the hands of church and state. In light of this, the historic Baptist attitude toward church and state entanglement was one of clear opposition. In fact, some of the earliest and most influential writings in support of religious liberty in the English and American contexts came from Baptist authors.
Thomas Helwys, who “published the first book-length defense of religious liberty in English”9 later “died in prison after making public, written arguments for religious liberty.”10 In the Americas, the clause in the first amendment that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof” was, in part, secured by Baptists.11 Thomas Jefferson’s famous phrase, which described the first amendment’s religion clause as “building a wall of separation between Church & State,” was first written in a letter to the Danbury Baptist Association in 1802.12 Roger Williams, who started the first Baptist church in the United States, wrote “one the most comprehensive treatises about the freedom of religion ever written” early in American history.13 Deeply integral to the Baptist story is the call for the separation of church and state, the freedom of consciousness and freedom from religious coercion - the protected practice of religious conviction for all.
An oft-overlooked aspect of the protestant reformation and the Baptist movement within it, is that the reformers did not understand themselves to be doing anything novel. Rather, the reformers understood themselves as retrieving and renewing the faith and practice of the Apostles and the early church. It has been well documented that this notion of reformation was not only present in the magisterial reformers but in the thought of early Baptists as well.14
…the reformers did not understand themselves to be doing anything novel. Rather, the reformers understood themselves as retrieving and renewing the faith and practice of the Apostles and the early church
The church father, Tertullian (155 AD - 220 AD), alongside a few other early church theologians, is well known for having influentially advocated for religious freedom in the context of Roman persecution.15 A context in which “people living in a city or territory followed the same religion” and in which Christians were, at times, “arrested and brought before local magistrates or the provincial governor and asked to account for their behavior” - sometimes resulting in martyrdom.16 In response to this, some of the earliest extra-biblical Christian writings available to us are the “Apologies” - explanations and “defenses of Christian practice, to the emperor or to Roman officials.” Tertullian is cited as having been ”the first in the history of Western civilization to use the phrase ‘freedom of religion'” - "libertatem religionis."17 In this sense then, Baptist political theology is indeed, not novel, but a retrieval of the faith and practice of the early church - an expression of both Baptist distinctiveness and Baptist catholicity.
Baptist political theology is indeed, not novel, but a retrieval of the faith and practice of the early church
In the modern day, it is widely acknowledged by Christian traditions that while we pray, long and work for the realization of the Kingdom of God, we do not want “Christendom” before the return of the Lord (in the sense of state sanctioned religious practice.)18 It would appear, historically, that Christians have been quick to acknowledge and desire religious liberty when they have been a persecuted minority - as the early church and the early Baptists were. But when Christians have become a majority, when the culture has become Christianized, as evidenced by the 4th-16th centuries, a creeping “Christendom” becomes a temptation.
This temptation plays out when Christians begin to sense that government and culture can and ought to be utilized, not as influences, but as coercive means of Christianizing the world. This temptation also plays out with the purity of the church and the gospel becoming compromised. When government embraces Christianity and Christianity, in return, embraces government wholesale, it loses its ability to be a prophetic witness to it. When faith identity and church membership become matters, not of personal conviction, but of national or political identity, that faith identity loses its vitality. When church leadership and church decision-making become matters of official governmental positions and political action, the priesthood of the believer loses its vitality. The purity of the church and the gospel is diminished. Whether or not Christianity is the predominant religion of a nation or not - on this side of eternity, Christians should maintain that good government protects the freedom of religion. A government which establishes Christianity rather than protects the free practice of it will inevitably harm it.
A government which establishes Christianity rather than protects the free practice of it will inevitably harm it
Ecclesiology
Baptist ecclesiology, as mentioned, finds its center in regenerate church membership as a logically necessary outworking of individual responsibility and freedom before God. Functionally, regenerate church membership links Christian celebration and life together to Christian confession. Who is it that is baptized? Confessing Christians. Who are members of self-governing, local churches? Confessing Christians. Who celebrates the Lord’s Supper? Confessing Christians. Who is appointed by local churches to lead them? Confessing Christians. Baptist ecclesiology and Baptist political theology alike pursue relational, communal and spiritual clarity. These efforts are what makes a Baptist a Baptist - the good-faith effort to maintain that Christian community and Christian celebration are linked to Christian confession. When faith identity becomes a matter, not of personal conviction, but of the church you were baptized into as an infant, the family you were born into or the culture you were born into, that faith identity loses its vitality. When the church is made up of unconverted individuals, the church’s celebration (baptism, the Lord’s Supper, singing etc.) and the church’s proclamation (the gospel) become distorted.
regenerate church membership links Christian celebration and life together to Christian confession
Baptist political theology and ecclesiology work together 1. To protect against governmental religious coercion (whether by or against Christians) 2. To uphold the purity of the church, the purity of Christian celebration and the purity of the gospel and 3. To protect against cultural co-optation. While not persecution, when broader culture co-opts the celebration and culture of the church for its own purposes, it can indeed be harmful. It creates confusion and a lack of clarity about the gospel itself. It is often more comfortable for Christians when assimilation and co-optation occur. You can practice your faith and be celebrated by your culture after all. It creates many challenges to invite someone to follow Jesus when they believe that they already do (when they do not.) On the one hand, religious coercion in the name of Christ is profoundly hypocritical for the Christian and ultimately distorts the church and the gospel. On the other hand, not guarding Christian celebration and Christian worship inevitably diminishes the purity of the church and the gospel and allows for cultural co-optation.
American Christmas
What is so odd and surprising about American Evangelicalism, so often shorn of anything liturgical or traditional, is that it always has celebrated Advent. In this sense, there is a particularly interesting cultural dynamic of Christmas in the United States. Adding further to the strangeness of American Christmas is that Dec. 25th is a federal holiday - in a nation that is committed to neither establish nor prohibit the free exercise of religion. In this sense, there is also a particularly interesting political dynamic of Christmas in the United States.
What is so odd and surprising about American Evangelicalism, so often shorn of anything liturgical or traditional, is that it always has celebrated Advent
Given our western, Christian heritage and given that our government celebrates Christmas, are we a Christian nation? While the answer to that question largely depends on what one means by it, the answer in most ways is “no.” We are a secular democracy that remains committed to neither establishing nor prohibiting the free exercise of religion. We are a nation deeply influenced by both the history of the Christianized West, the Enlightenment age and the global, seismic shifts of the 20th century. For our purposes here, It is incredibly important to keep in mind that being “a Christian nation” and a “secular, pluralistic republican-democracy in which many Christians live and participate in democracy” do not mean the same thing. There is a world of difference in those ideas.
being “a Christian nation” and a “secular, pluralistic republican-democracy in which many Christians live and participate in democracy” do not mean the same thing. There is a world of difference in those ideas.
The U.S. government does not mean the transcendent, eternal, triune God of Christian theology when it prints “in God we trust” or when it asserts that mankind is endowed with “God-given,” unalienable rights. The “God” of the American coin and constitution may be Yahweh, or it may be Shiva. Taking cues from early Roman religious plurality, the point for many American founding fathers was that fundamental human rights must be grounded in some transcendent moral reality or being (“God”). Moral reality must be grounded in something greater than mere opinion or governmental sanction, whatever the individual may make of that transcendent moral reality or being. And to be clear I am glad that our constitution does so. But the vague notion of “God” referenced in The Constitution is no more the Christian God than it is the god of New Age adherents. In this way, Dec. 25th, while it is acknowledged that it is colloquially referred to as “Christmas,” is understood through the lens of the Federal Government as a secular holiday, established for secular purposes, including enabling the many Christians in our nation to celebrate their faith.1920
Theologically conservative Baptist historians thoroughly acknowledge that, unfortunately, in recent American political history, many Baptists and other evangelicals were swayed by the influence of “Christian nationalist voices in the Religious Right who argued that America had been founded as a Christian nation and simplistically equated church-state separation with secularism… Evangelical Baptist public witness to a free church in a free state has been muddied ever since.”21 This creeping attitude of Christendom regarding political and cultural influence, results in dynamics of religious coercion - the establishment of religion rather than the protection of it. This attitude in some ways parallels the kind of cultural and political assimilation of church and state that began to occur near the end of the patristic period and continued well into the modern period. The effects of which have often been the political weaponization and corruption of the gospel and the church. Now, perhaps more than ever in our rapidly secularizing nation, Christians must seek to uphold religious liberty - the purity of the church and the bold proclamation of the gospel.
Christmas has been a deep and enduring part of American culture. At its best, Christmas represents, perhaps, the most clear dynamic of an enduring evangelical catholicity in the American context. However, that is not all that might be said of American Christmas. At its worst, American Christmas may, perhaps, represent the most enduring dynamic of cultural Christendom in the United States - a secular, pluralistic democracy. The results of which are both the co-opting of Christian celebration by the broader culture, the loss of gospel clarity in the church and the temptation for religious coercion on the part of Christians, whether culturally or politically.
At its best, Christmas represents, perhaps, the most clear dynamic of an enduring evangelical catholicity in the American context… At its worst, American Christmas may, perhaps, represent the most enduring dynamic of cultural Christendom in the United States - a secular, pluralistic democracy.
It is beautiful when Christians, in continuity with the historic and universal church are able to freely celebrate Advent. May we praise God all the more for this freedom as we remember the coming of Christ and eagerly await His second coming. But it is a sad thing when religious liberty is perceived by well-meaning Christians as a “war on Christmas.” It is a sad thing when Christians and non-Christians alike see no issue with the holy name of Christ being used in ways that do not honor Him. It is a sad thing when the broader culture co-opts a distinctly Christian celebration for its own purposes.
Celebrating Advent Freely
In light of the above sketches of Baptist catholicity, Baptist distinctives and Christmas in the American context - how might Baptist catholicity inform how one understands, experiences and celebrates Advent in this season?
In light of catholicity, Baptists have much to gain by retrieving and celebrating the wisdom of the historic church, the liturgical calendar and the celebration of Advent. We also have much to gain by retrieving and celebrating the wisdom, courage and fervor of the early church, who worshiped Christ alone despite the threat of governmental oppression and religious coercion. Finally, we have much to gain in retrieving and celebrating the wisdom, courage and fervor of the radical reformers who expressed their Christian freedom to not celebrate extra-biblical Church traditions (such as Advent) despite the state sanctioned religious coercion carried out against them in the name of Christ, our liberator.22 Baptist catholicity celebrates both the wisdom of liturgical formation and the freedom of Christian churches and non-believers to not celebrate extra-biblical practices such as Advent.
Baptist catholicity celebrates both the wisdom of liturgical formation and the freedom of Christian churches and non-believers to not celebrate extra-biblical practices such as Advent.
Political Theology and Government
Baptist Christians should be at the forefront of acknowledging that Dec. 25th, for a secular government is a secular holiday, established for secular purposes. The government, as such, does not celebrate Christ. And in light of the importance of religious liberty for the purity of the gospel and the church, we should not want it to. We should, however, want the U.S. government to protect the freedom of all citizens to do so.
The government, as such, does not celebrate Christ. And in light of the importance of religious liberty… we should not want it to. We should, however, want the U.S. government to protect the freedom of all citizens to do so.
Secondly, it does not impose upon religious liberty if the government, for secular purposes, establishes a federal holiday which corresponds to a religious holiday celebrated by many of the nation's citizens. However, this conviction does go two ways. Were the government to establish a federal holiday, for secular purposes, which corresponded to a Hindu celebration, as a Baptist Christian, I would both grieve the spiritual lostness of many and I would celebrate the upholding of religious liberty. Christians can both grieve spiritual lostness and celebrate good government which neither establishes nor prohibits religious practice.
Christians can both grieve spiritual lostness and celebrate good government which neither establishes nor prohibits religious practice.
Ecclesiology and Culture
Baptist Christians should be at the forefront of acknowledging that Dec. 25th, for non-believers, is not a Christian celebration. Only for Christians is Dec. 25th Advent. Whatever non-believers may be celebrating on Dec. 25, if they are not celebrating the incarnation of the Son of God, then they simply are not celebrating Christmas. An unbeliever no more celebrates Christmas than an unbeliever eating bread and wine spiritually partakes of the body and blood of the Lord. It makes it more difficult to invite my neighbor to understand and celebrate Christmas if they believe that they already are.
Baptist Christians should be at the forefront of acknowledging that Dec. 25th, for non-believers, is not a Christian celebration. Only for Christians is Dec. 25th Advent.
To be sure, the non-Christians who have a federal holiday during this season (because of the Christian celebration) naturally want to celebrate, spend time with family and have meaningful vacation. But Christians should see this as opportunity for clarity not confusion. Christmas is an opportunity to invite the spiritually lost to celebrate Advent. Christians should be motivated to protect the purity of the gospel, the church and to uphold the uncoerced conversion of the rapidly secularizing West. We ought to be more concerned about the purity of the Gospel and the purity of the church than we are about the comfort provided by our culture accepting and celebrating Christianity in a co-opting way.
Christians should reasonably want to guard Christian celebration. I am not suggesting that we “guard” Christmas in the same way that Baptists want to guard the Lord’s Supper and baptism. But I am suggesting that, consistent with the internal logic of both Baptist ecclesiology and political theology, perhaps we should be far more concerned that Christian celebration be linked to Christian confession.
perhaps we should be far more concerned that Christian celebration be linked to Christian confession
Secondly, through this lens, frankly, we should not be offended when secular corporations, movie productions and non-believing singers and musicians do not use the Holy name of “Christ” at this federal Holiday. I am more saddened when they do. Let’s acknowledge the shallow, cultural co-opting of this Christian celebration for what it is - offensive and harmful to the faith.
Finally, let us work and pray for Christ to be celebrated by all nations. And to that end, let us work and pray against both religious coercion and the cultural co-optation of our faith. Let us work and pray for the salvation of our Hindu neighbors, inviting them to follow Jesus. And to this end, let us work and pray against all forms of religious coercion against them. Let us work and pray for the purity of the church, her gospel and her worship. And to this end, let us work and pray against the cultural co-opting of the church, her gospel and her worship.
“Baptist Catholicity and Renewal,” The Center for Baptist Renewal, https://www.centerforbaptistrenewal.com/baptist-catholicity-renewal
Historically, the Baptist contribution to modern protestant missions cannot be overestimated either.
Matthew Y. Emerson, “Is There a Baptist Contribution to Political Theology?” The Center for Baptist Renewal, https://www.centerforbaptistrenewal.com/is-there-a-baptist-contribution-to-political-theology
Tobin Perry, “Baptists historically stand for religious liberty,” Baptist Standard, https://www.baptiststandard.com/news/baptists/baptists-historically-stand-for-religious-liberty/
“Evangelical Baptist Catholicity: A Manifesto*,” The Center for Baptist Renewal, https://www.centerforbaptistrenewal.com/evangelical-baptist-catholicity-a-manifesto
Ibid.
R. Lucas Stamps, “A Theological Anthropology for Baptist Political Witness,” The Center for Baptist Renewal, https://www.centerforbaptistrenewal.com/a-theological-anthropology-for-baptist-political-witness
Luke 4:18-19
Perry, “Baptists historically stand for religious liberty”
Emerson, “Is There a Baptist Contribution to Political Theology?”
Perry, “Baptists historically stand for religious liberty”
Ibid.
John M. Barry, “God, Government and Roger Williams’ Big Idea,” Smithsonian Magazine, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/god-government-and-roger-williams-big-idea-6291280/
See Baptists and the Christian Tradition: Toward an Evangelical Baptist Catholicity for a book length treatment of the topic.
Rev. Ben Johnson, “The Christian patristic roots of religious liberty,” Acton Institute, https://www.acton.org/publications/transatlantic/2017/02/28/the-christian-patristic-roots-of-religious-liberty
Robert Louis Wilken, “The Christian Origins of Religious Freedom,” United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, https://www.usccb.org/committees/religious-liberty/first-freedom-blog-christian-origins-religious-freedom#:~:text=Tertullian%20is%20the%20first%20in,a%20mock
Ibid.
Though, unfortunately, this has been called for by some in recent years.
Hannah Santos, “Why Is Christmas a Federal Holiday?” Freedom Forum, https://www.freedomforum.org/why-is-christmas-federal-holiday/
Olivia B. Waxman, “The Surprising Story of Christmas in the United States,” Time Magazine, https://time.com/4608452/christmas-america-national-holiday/
Nathan A. Finn, “Against Religious Establishment in Baptist Political Theology,” 9Marks, https://www.9marks.org/article/against-religious-establishment-in-baptist-political-theology/
In fact, some 17th Puritans outlawed “Christmas” precisely because they saw it as extra-biblical and far too “Romish” (meaning Roman Catholic.)